Results of the 2025 Singaporean general election

This is a breakdown of the results of the 2025 Singaporean general election. Based on the events of Nomination Day, 92 of the 97 seats up for election were contested, with Marine Parade–Braddell Heights GRC being the first constituency to see a walkover since 2011.^[a]

As with elections since 2015, a sample count was released by the Elections Department prior to the announcement of the actual results to prevent any unnecessary speculation or reliance on unofficial sources of information while counting was still under way.^[1][2][3] With changes in the last election, an election recount is automatically deployed whenever the top two candidates have a winning margin of within 2%; standby counting machines will also be used.^[4]

The results were announced by the returning officer Han Kok Juan, Director-General of the Civil Aviation Authority of Singapore.^[5] At 23:10 SGT, Radin Mas SMC was the first result to be called with Melvin Yong re-elected in his constituency. At 23:19 SGT, Han incorrectly announced Queenstown SMC's PAP candidate Eric Chua had incorrectly garnered 29,900 votes; it was later re-announced at 23:37 SGT that Chua actually garnered 20,900 votes. All the results were announced by 01:46 SGT with the last results to be called being Tampines GRC.

The overseas votes were tabulated on 15 May, two days after the deadline of accepting postal votes and 12 days after the election ended. This brings the final turnout to 2,438,610 or 92.83% of turnout, with 42,945 rejected votes.^[6][7]

• Constituencies with no comparison to 2020 were due to them being new constituencies; only the following constituencies may be compared with 2020 results as they existed in both elections, although most had changes in their electoral boundaries.
• While Jurong East-Bukit Batok and West Coast-Jurong West are the renaming of the original constituencies (Jurong GRC and West Coast GRC, respectively), any swings for the 2020 election are not reflected in the list as it is considered as new constituencies. If the constituencies are considered as existing ones, then PAP would receive a swing of +2.04% and +8.33% respectively.
• As People's Alliance for Reform was formed as a merger of the Peoples Voice and Reform Party from the last election, any results from the last election that either parties previously contested in the same constituency are not reflected in the list per consistency reasons, unless otherwise stated.
• Percentages may not add up to 100% due to rounding.
• Vote counts below are for votes cast in Singapore only and exclude votes cast overseas.

27 candidates forfeited their S$13,500 election deposits, surpassing the previous record set in 1972.^[43] Several opposition parties, including the National Solidarity Party (NSP), People's Power Party (PPP), and Singapore United Party (SUP), saw all their candidates lose their deposits. In Ang Mo Kio GRC, every opposition candidate forfeited their deposit, a first since Kebun Baru SMC in 1980.^[44] While neither of the two independents won a seat, both retained their deposits; Jeremy Tan’s 36.16% in Mountbatten was the strongest performance by an independent candidate since 1972.

The PAP retained its supermajority, winning 87 out of 97 seats and improving its popular vote share by 4.34 percentage points to 65.57%, reversing its decline from the 2020 election. The Workers' Party (WP) held all 10 of its seats, increased its majority in Sengkang GRC and Hougang SMC, and qualified for two Non-constituency Member of Parliament (NCMP) seats.^[45] Although the WP's contested vote share dipped slightly by 0.45%,^[46] its overall popular vote rose to 14.99%, and it won the popular vote in constituencies contested against the PAP for a second consecutive general election, at 50.04%.

Other opposition parties underperformed. The Progress Singapore Party (PSP), which held two NCMP seats after 2020, failed to enter Parliament and became extra-parliamentary. No opposition party outside the WP crossed the 5% national vote share threshold. The NSP had its worst performance since 1988, with only 1.19% of valid votes in the constituencies it contested and 0.13% of the overall popular vote. Its 0.18% result in Tampines GRC marked the lowest vote share by any opposition party or independent candidate in post-independence Singapore.^[47][48]

Many analysts commented on PAP's landslide victory, noting a "flight to safety",^[49] as voters had echoed Prime Minister Lawrence Wong's call for a "strong mandate". It was also pointed out that this had effectively bucked the trend of PAP's vote share dropping during a leadership transition. Analysts said that the results pointed to a two-party system as the way forward for Singapore's future.^[50][51][52] Commentators were split as to whether the WP's results were a good showing or a sign of minimal progress. While the party had increased its vote share in two out of three constituencies it defended and achieved 44% or more of votes in all new constituencies it contested, former PAP MP Inderjit Singh argued that its candidates were still too thinly spread-out, preventing it from securing another GRC. The WP itself tried to limit its candidacies by not contesting the Marine Parade–Braddell Heights GRC, which predecessor constituency the party had contested.^[50][53]

Institute of Policy Studies (IPS) fellow Gillian Koh mentioned that the leadership transition "is indeed now complete" following the success of the election, and is an endorsement of Wong's call for voters to return his experienced ministers to powers as well as party renewal with the inclusion of new members. Koh was critical of PAP's arguments during their campaign, but looked forward for the Singapore Economic Resilience Taskforce.^[d] NUS Associate Professor Reuben Wong described the leadership renewal as a "continued viability" to remain as the most trade-dependent economy in the world. Analysts said that the Defence and Finance portfolios are the portfolios that were critical to look out for, in addition to the fresh MPs that would be given office portfolios in the upcoming cabinet reshuffle.^[55][56] In a CNA podcast on 9 May, Hong Kong Baptist University's professor Kenneth Paul Tan suggested that the PAP's win was because "politicians spoke more freely and voters began listening differently", commenting that podcasts have become more mainstream in political engagement, as compared to the use of digital content in the 2020 election.^[57]

Many noted the "serious loss" faced by other opposition parties. In particular, the PSP lost the two NCMP seats it held in Parliament and experienced a decreased vote share despite it being party founder Tan Cheng Bock's last election, causing concern that the party could soon fade into obscurity.^[58][49] Political analyst Loke Hoe Yeong suggested that the presence of Poa and Leong as NCMPs did not gain the traction the party had desired at the polls, questioning if the West Coast–Jurong West GRC voters, specifically those of Ayer Rajah, had moved on from Tan's portrayal as a "larger-than-life persona" in the previous election, and whether the PSP had done enough to prepare for the post-Tan era. Associate Professor Chong Ja Ian suggested that the downward trend of internet usage and greater use of physical rallies may have attributed to the party's regress, while Eugene Tan suggested that the party was still new.^[59] Analysts said that PSP would have to keep their profile "relevant" in the next election as the PSP had been struggling with finding younger talents, with their decision to field fewer candidates (13) compared to the last election (24) contributing to their decisive defeat.^[60][61]

Observers suggested that the change of the electoral boundaries could have posed a challenge for the consolidation of resources as parties had to work in a large enough area to be less affected by boundary changes; observers also suggested that opposition parties may consider mergers and forming coalitions or risk dissolving their parties if negotiations are unsuccessful. Teo Kay Key also noted that Singaporeans want a "loyal opposition that does not oppose for the sake of opposing", and that the opposition had to have a "hard look" at their value proposition to the electorate and if demand allows.^[62] Post-election surveys have consistently shown desire among voters for greater political diversity, which suggest that opposition parties can no longer depend on reckoning antipathy towards the PAP; the election results were therefore seen as a vote for the kind of opposition politics Singaporeans want to perpetuate, as well as against the kind they want to do without, a necessary step towards a two-party or multi-party democracy.^[63]

Tan also described the smaller opposition parties such as PSP as "wipeout" as these parties are "staring at the abyss of political irrelevance", putting these parties at disadvantage unless they reassess their roles carefully by offering a value proposition to voters in a more crowded and fragmented opposition space. NUS lecturer Rebecca Grace Tan noted that the non-WP opposition parties would face "significant challenges for their future", and their candidates must promote change that is distinct from other parties in terms of positive policy stances aligned with voter preferences to sustain its party relevance. Political consultant Malminderjit Singh suggest that parties with good planning and consolidating resources would be more successful, and other parties like PSP, RDU, and SDP would need to expand further and "broaden their appeal and recruit from all races and backgrounds".^[62][64]

Teo Kay Key commented that candidates from Generations Z and Millennials, most notably independent ones,^[65] had outperformed compared to those from the older generation, due to their high use of social media and online content resources, calling it a "new normal in political engagement". There were 38 new candidates under the age of 40, with those from better-resourced political parties having a profile involving prior engagements in political, community or grassroots work. The proportion of younger voters were higher than in 2020, with statistics showing that these young voters preferred checks and balances and pluralism in government; Teo described these voters as "digital natives" due to the high usage of internet content. Young voters also improves democratic potential and strength, although that voters in the battleground states have different voting patterns and their point of views, suggesting that there are more nuanced contest between different political parties.^[66] Similarly, Eugene Tan suggested the same about PSP's loss due to the young voters had little familiarity towards them and their heartland voters was not properly recognized except for the use of social media; he however told that it was a "blessing in disguise" and even if WP has pulled away from the other opposition parties, these parties should not be forgotten. Singapore University of Social Sciences researcher Walter Theseira also noted that PSP and SDP will face new challenges after the election as they have an ageing core leadership and no clear pathway for renewal; he told that either their party branch out on joining other parties unless their philosophies are much more strongly aligned with their current parties, as it is just a "little point" to the candidates joining a minor party instead of going it alone, and with little hope into recruiting high-quality candidates except for those having a particular distinct policy differentiation.^[67]

In another Straits Times analysis on 10 May, political observers questioned WP's strategies as "ambitious and conservative in equal parts" with "a paradoxical mix of bold manoeuvres and calculated restraint" that suggest why the party still unable to make in-roads. Nanyang Technology University's observer Walid Jumblatt Abdullah mentioned that fielding Harpreet Singh Nehal alongside Faisal Manap in Tampines GRC could make a difference, but the allocation of its most appealing candidates in other contested constituencies (such as East Coast GRC) and the controversial walkover in Marine Parade–Braddell Heights GRC had caused some swings from the past election, where fresh party buy-in was required at its most. NUS economist and former Nominated MP Ivan Png noted their party's performance was the most stable among opposition parties and premium command had peaked compared to SDP and PSP, which figures have seen a regress in recent elections. SMU Associate Professor Tan suggested the results as "voters signalled that a firm mandate for the PAP was not at all at odds with a more vibrant political system characterised by a credible and responsible opposition", but whether if WP could fulfill its midterm goal of winning one-third of seats in Parliament is "still be within the ballpark of realism for its current leaders". Institute of Policy Studies researcher Gillian Koh also respected WP's strategies as "comfortable with playing the long game" for connecting and promote growth with the electorate.^[68][69] Similarly, in response for a more discerning electorate, IPS Social Lab fellow Tan Ern Ser told that WP has consolidated its position and distinguished itself from the rest of the opposition parties, and analyst Loke Hoe Yeong further justified that WP gained more credibility due to the incumbency effect and on par on managing town councils or choosing candidates like PAP does. Similarly, Inderjit Singh understood about the maturity of democracy and the need of credible opposition, but he was caught on surprise on SDP and PSP's decline; Singh also suggested that either Gigene Wong's blurting out a racial slur may have further impact SDP's performance, or if the voters trusted PAP's arguments against voting out key ministers and members of the Singapore Economic Resilience Taskforce for opposition,^[d] or both. NTU analyst Alan Chong say the same about SDP's performance, and Chee's experience onto building a profile had improved his vote share; Chong mentioned that while PAP and WP had the approach of talent recruitment and grassroots involvement, other opposition parties without elected MPs should focus onto building a candidate's credibility and attract talent, meaning that they had to put candidates up for elections, even if it means losing some contests. Former SPP candidate Jose Raymond also justified that groundwork and retail politics are essential.^[67]

On 11 May, other analysts further suggested that the Corporate Governance of Town Councils and specific municipal issues (such as the closure of the Aljunied–Hougang Town Council trial and how these MPs had handled the trial), especially towards the SMCs, suggested the results for the existing constituency to retain as it was (including a +4% WP-swing in Sengkang GRC^[70]), with the assurance for voters to continue estate management and improvement, and weighing that municipal issues are considered more important than those of debating national policies that what other opposition does in the hustings. Similarly, Darryl Lo's result in Radin Mas SMC also caught observers some surprise, suggesting that Lo had more "ground knowledge" (and putting campaigns about policy ideas and estate-level suggestions) than his other opponent Kumar Appavoo, who had contested there for three elections since 2015, compared to another independent candidate Han Hui Hui, whose performance also in 2015 lost her election deposit similar to Appavoo in this election.^[71]