Slavery in Japan

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Japan had an official slave system from the Yamato period (3rd century A.D.) until Toyotomi Hideyoshi abolished it in 1590. Afterwards, the Japanese government facilitated the use of "comfort women" as sex slaves from 1932 to 1945. Prisoners of war captured by Japanese imperial forces were also used as slaves during the same period.

Early slavery in Japan

The export of a slave from Japan is recorded in the 3rd century Chinese historical record Wajinden,[1] but it is unclear what system was involved, and whether this was a common practice at that time. These slaves were called seikō (生口 "living mouth").

In the 8th century, slaves were called Nuhi (奴婢) and laws were issued under the legal codes of the Nara and Heian periods, called Ritsuryōsei (律令制). These slaves tended farms and worked around houses. Information on the slave population is questionable, but the proportion of slaves is estimated to have been around 5% of the population.

Slavery persisted into the Sengoku period (1467–1615) even though the attitude that slavery was anachronistic seems to have become widespread among elites.[2] In 1590, slavery was officially banned under Toyotomi Hideyoshi; but forms of contract and indentured labor persisted alongside the period penal codes' forced labor. Somewhat later, the Edo period penal laws prescribed "non-free labor" for the immediate family of executed criminals in Article 17 of the Gotōke reijō (Tokugawa House Laws), but the practice never became common. The 1711 Gotōke reijō was compiled from over 600 statutes promulgated between 1597 and 1696.[3]

16th century

During the Sengoku period, Japanese Daimyos and merchants often sold off prisoners of battle into slavery. Portuguese sources, corroborated by Japanese texts like Koyo Gunkan and Hojo Godaiki, describe “the greatest cruelties” inflicted during conflicts such as the 1553 Battle of Kawanakajima and the 1578 Shimazu campaigns. Captives, particularly women, boys, and girls, faced violence, with communities in regions devastated.[4] The inter-Asian slave trade, including wokou piracy, further intensified suffering, with Zheng Shungong’s 1556 report noting 200–300 Chinese slaves in Satsuma treated “like cattle” for labor, a fate shared by many Japanese.[5][6][7]

The custom of geninka encompassed practices resembling slavery[a]. Individuals were exchanged for money, including children sold by parents, self-sold persons, those rescued from unjust execution, and debt-bound workers. Japanese rulers imposed geninka as punishment for serious crimes or rebellion, often extending it to the perpetrator’s wife and children. Women who fled their fathers or husbands to seek shelter in a lord’s house were sometimes transformed into genin by the lord. During famines or natural disasters, individuals offered themselves as genin in exchange for food, clothing, and shelter. Japanese lords also demanded that retainers relinquish their daughters to serve in their manors, treating them as genin. Additionally, the genin status could be hereditary, perpetuating bondage across generations.[10][11][12]

In 1594, after the second invasion of Joseon, Toyotomi Hideyoshi determined to conquer Korea, was repelled by the Korean forces allied to the Ming Chinese. What began as an assault turned into a grueling, village-by-village struggle, with momentum shifting between both sides. It soon became clear that Japan would not succeed in conquering Korea. Rather than let their efforts go to waste, the Japanese turned to capturing and enslaving Koreans. Despite Korea resisting both invasions, greatly accredited to Admiral Yi Sun-shin and his victory in the Battle of Hansan Island, Japan did not emerge from the invasions empty-handed. The Japanese captured tens of thousands of Korean farmers and artisans, bringing them back to Japan for enslavement. An estimate of enslaved Koreans taken back to Japan range from 50,000 to 200,000, consisting of farmers, artisans and blacksmiths.[13]

After the Portuguese first made contact with Japan in 1543, a large-scale slave trade developed in which Portuguese purchased Japanese as slaves in Japan and sold them to various locations overseas, mostly in Portuguese-colonized regions of Asia such as Goa but including Brazil and Portugal itself, until it was formally outlawed in 1595.[14] Many documents mention the large slave trade along with protests against the enslavement of Japanese. Although the actual number of slaves is debated, the proportions on the number of slaves tends to be exaggerated by some Japanese historians.[15] At least several hundred Japanese people were sold; some of them were prisoners of war sold by rival clans, others were sold by their feudal lords, and others were sold by their families to escape poverty.[14] The Japanese slaves are believed to be the first of their nation to end up in Europe, and the Portuguese purchased a number of Japanese slave women to bring to Portugal for sexual purposes, as noted by the Church in 1555. Sebastian of Portugal feared that this was having a negative effect on Catholic proselytization since the slave trade in Japanese was growing to larger proportions, so he commanded that it be banned in 1571.[16][17] However, the ban failed to prevent Portuguese merchants from buying Japanese slaves and the trade continued into the late 16th century.[18]

Japanese slave women were also sold as concubines to Asian lascar, along with their European counterparts serving on Portuguese ships trading in Japan, mentioned by Luis de Cerqueira, a Portuguese Jesuit, in a 1598 document.[19] Japanese slaves were brought by the Portuguese to Macau, where some of them not only ended up being bought by the Portuguese, but as slaves to other slaves, with the Portuguese owning Malay and African slaves, who in turn owned Japanese slaves of their own.[20][21]

Japanese socio-economic practices, such as nenkihōkō (temporary servitude), were often conflated with slavery by Europeans but involved distinct treatment.[22] Bishop Cerqueira noted that nenkihōkō met European moral theology standards, such as Silvestre Mazzolini’s criteria, requiring voluntary agreement and awareness of freedom.[23] However, economic pressures, like taxes imposed by non-Christian lords, led parents to sell children into servitude, often under “great” rather than “extreme” necessity, reflecting cultural relativism in assessing hardship.[24] Cosme de Torres likened the power of Japanese lords over servants to Roman vitae necisque potestas, suggesting that peasants, used as tax guarantors, faced conditions akin to slavery, with little distinction between servitude and enslavement.[25][26][27] Women seeking refuge from abusive situations could be transformed into genin by lords, a practice Jesuits deemed tolerable only if the individual was justly condemned for a crime; otherwise, missionaries advocated for their liberation through confession.[28][29]

The Jesuit response to slave treatment was shaped by theological distinctions between perpetual slavery (iustae captivitas) and temporary servitude (temporali famulitium), with the latter deemed acceptable for Japanese and Chinese slaves, as they were not war captives or "common slaves."[30] Alessandro Valignano’s strategy of “tolerance” and “dissimulation” allowed Jesuits to navigate local customs while condemning egregious abuses.[31][32] The 1592 Dochirina Kirishitan emphasized redeeming captives as a Christian duty, rooted in Christ’s atonement, yet Jesuits lacked the authority to enforce humane treatment, as Valignano repeatedly argued.[33][34] Their interventions, such as signing short-term servitude certificates to prevent perpetual slavery,[35][36] were banned by 1598 after criticism from figures like Mateus de Couros, who viewed such involvement as misguided.[37] Despite efforts like Bishop Cerqueira’s lobbying for secular laws and King Philip III’s 1605 decree allowing Japanese slaves in Goa and Cochin to seek justice for illegal enslavement, the trade persisted due to profitability and weak enforcement.

When Japan invaded Joseon, Korea in 1592, the Japanese abducted huge numbers of Koreans and sold them into slavery. Hideyoshi, despite enslaving Korean slaves for himself, was bothered that his own people were being sold into slavery on Kyushu, that he wrote a letter to Jesuit Vice-Provincial Gaspar Coelho on 24 July 1587 to demand the Portuguese, Siamese (Thai), and Cambodians stop purchasing Japanese and return Japanese slaves who ended up as far as India.[38][39][40] Hideyoshi blamed the Portuguese for the trade. The Jesuits, answering for Portuguese behavior in Japan, stated "(we buy Japanese slaves) because the Japanese sell them". After the raids in Korea, the Japanese kidnapped Koreans en masse and sold them into the slave market. In a Jesuit statement released in 1598, when they excommunicated merchants who engaged in slave trade in Japan, the situation was described as follows: "Innumerable Joseon subjects (Koreans) are being abducted and sold off at cheap prices (by the Japanese)".[41]

Hideyoshi’s 1587 Bateren Edict, driven by economic concerns over labor depletion rather than moral objections,[42] as Maki noted,[43] briefly curtailed slave trades.[44] However, his 1597 second invasion of Korea actively endorsed the slave trade, transforming it into a major industry.[45] Contemporary sources describe a “gruesome scenario” where Japanese forces brought crowds of Korean prisoners to islands for sale to Portuguese merchants,[46] who circumvented Macanese bans and Martins’ excommunication. Unlike the Jesuits’ withdrawal from the trade, Hideyoshi’s policies expected Korean enslavement, reversing earlier restrictions.[47] The Spanish 1542 New Laws offered some recourse, as seen in Gaspar Fernández’s 1599 liberation in New Spain, where he argued his enslavement lacked just war justification, but only 4 of 225 identified chino slaves there were Japanese.[48]

Some Korean slaves were bought by the Portuguese and brought back to Portugal from Japan, where they had been among the tens of thousands of Korean prisoners of war transported to Japan during the Japanese invasions of Korea (1592–98).[49][50] Although Hideyoshi expressed his indignation and outrage at the Portuguese trade in Japanese slaves, he himself was engaging in a mass slave trade of Korean prisoners of war in Japan.[51][52]

Filippo Sassetti saw some Chinese and Japanese slaves in Lisbon among the large slave community in 1578, although most of the slaves were black.[53][54][55][56][57]

The Portuguese "highly regarded" Asian slaves like Chinese and Japanese.[58] The Portuguese attributed qualities like intelligence and industriousness to Chinese and Japanese slaves which is why they favoured them.[59][60][61][62]

In 1595, a law was passed by Portugal banning the selling and buying of Chinese and Japanese slaves,[63] but forms of contract and indentured labor persisted alongside the period penal codes' forced labor. Somewhat later, the Edo period penal laws prescribed "non-free labor" for the immediate family of executed criminals in Article 17 of the Gotōke reijō (Tokugawa House Laws), but the practice never became common. The 1711 Gotōke reijō was compiled from over 600 statutes promulgated between 1597 and 1696.[64]

Before World War II

Karayuki-san, literally meaning "Ms. Gone Abroad" were Japanese women who traveled to or were trafficked to East Asia, Southeast Asia, Manchuria, Siberia and as far as San Francisco in the second half of the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century to work as prostitutes, courtesans and geisha.[65] In the 19th and early 20th centuries, there was a network of Japanese prostitutes being trafficked across Asia, in countries such as China, Vietnam, Korea, Singapore and India, in what was then known as the 'Yellow Slave Traffic'.[66]

World War II

Main article: Japanese war crimes

In the first half of the Shōwa era, as the Empire of Japan annexed Asian countries, from the late 19th century onwards, archaic institutions including slavery were abolished in those countries. However, during the Second Sino-Japanese War and the Pacific War, the Japanese military used millions of civilians and prisoners of war as forced labor, on projects such as the Burma Railway.

According to a joint study by historians including Zhifen Ju, Mitsuyoshi Himeta, Toru Kubo and Mark Peattie, more than 10 million Chinese civilians were mobilized by the Kōa-in (East Asia Development Board) for forced labour.[67] According to the Japanese military's own record, nearly 25% of 140,000 Allied POWs died while interned in Japanese prison camps where they were forced to work (U.S. POWs died at a rate of 27%).[68][69] More than 100,000 civilians and POWs died in the construction of the Burma Railway.[70] The U.S. Library of Congress estimates that in Java, between 4 and 10 million romusha (Japanese: "manual laborer"), were forced to work by the Japanese military.[71] About 270,000 of these Javanese laborers were sent to the Outer Islands and other Japanese-held areas in South East Asia. Only 52,000 were repatriated to Java.[72]

During World War II the Japanese empire used various types of foreign labor from its colonies, Korea and Taiwan. Japan mobilized its colonial labor within the same legal framework that was applied to the Japanese. There were different procedures for mobilizing labor. The method used first, in 1939 was the recruitment by private companies under government supervision. In 1942 it was introduced the official mediation method, where the government was more directly involved. The outright conscription was applied from 1944 to 1945.[73]

According to the Korean historians, approximately 670,000 Koreans, were conscripted into labor from 1944 to 1945 by the National Mobilization Law.[74] About 670,000 of them were taken to Japan, where about 60,000 died between 1939 and 1945 due mostly to exhaustion or poor working conditions.[75] Many of those taken to Karafuto Prefecture (modern-day Sakhalin) were trapped there at the end of the war, stripped of their nationality and denied repatriation by Japan; they became known as the Sakhalin Koreans.[76] The total deaths of Korean forced laborers in Korea and Manchuria for those years is estimated to be between 270,000 and 810,000.[77]

Since the end of the Second World War, numerous people have filed lawsuits against the state and/or private companies in Japan, seeking compensation based on suffering as the result of forced labor. The plaintiffs had encountered many legal barriers to be awarded damages, including: sovereign immunity; statutes of limitations; and waiver of claims under the San Francisco Peace Treaty.[78]

Main article: Comfort women

According to the United States House of Representatives House Resolution 121, as many as 200,000 "comfort women" [79] mostly from Korea and China, and some other countries and territories such as the Philippines, Taiwan,French Indochina (Vietnam),Burma, the Dutch East Indies, Netherlands,[80] and Australia[81] were forced into sexual slavery during World War II to satisfy Japanese Imperial Army and Navy members. Many of these women — particularly the Dutch and Australian women — were also used for hard physical labour, forced to work arduous tasks in the fields and roads such as digging graves, building roads and hoeing hard soil, in hellish heat while on starvation rations. While apologies have been handed out by the Japanese government and government politicians, including the Asian Women's fund, which grants donated financial compensations to former comfort women,[82] the Japanese government has also worked to downplay its use of comfort women in recent times, claiming that all compensations for its war conduct were resolved with post-war treaties such as the Treaty of San Francisco, and, for example, asking the mayor of Palisades Park, New Jersey to take down a memorial in memory of the women.[83]

Modern

Main articles: Human trafficking in Japan and Sex trafficking in Japan

Consequence

In 2018, South Korea's Supreme Court ruled that Japanese companies, including Mitsubishi Heavy Industries, owed compensation to Korean workers for forced labor during the Japanese colonial period. However, a later decision by the Seoul Central District Court created confusion by dismissing a case against Japanese firms, citing the 1965 Agreement on the Settlement of Problems concerning Property and Claims and on Economic Cooperation, which Japan argues settled the matter of compensation. This legal ambiguity has led to diplomatic tensions, affecting trade and security cooperation between the two countries.[84]

In 2021, UNESCO reprimanded Japan for insufficient information about the history of forced labor at its industrial heritage sites, including Hashima Island (also known as "Battleship Island"), which is part of the Sites of Japan's Meiji Industrial Revolution. UNESCO highlighted Japan's failure to adequately acknowledge the use of Korean forced labor at these sites during World War II. Despite being a UNESCO World Heritage Site, Hashima Island and other locations like the Miike coal mine have a history of forced labor, including Korean laborers and, before that, convict labor.[85]

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Genin (下人) were low-status, often hereditary servants in medieval Japan, employed in agricultural or household labor. Known as fudai no genin (譜代の下人, hereditary servants) or similar terms, they were subject to customary practices allowing their sale.[8][9]

References

  1. ^ Edwards, Walter (1996). "In Pursuit of Himiko. Postwar Archaeology and the Location of Yamatai". Monumenta Nipponica. 51 (1): 53–79. doi:10.2307/2385316. JSTOR 2385316.
  2. ^ Thomas Nelson, "Slavery in Medieval Japan", Monumenta Nipponica 2004 59(4): 463–492
  3. ^ Lewis, James Bryant. (2003). Frontier Contact Between Choson Korea and Tokugawa Japan, p. 31–32.
  4. ^ Thomas Nelson, “Slavery in Medieval Japan,” Monumenta Nipponica59, no. 4 (2004): pp. 479-480, "Fujiki provides a wealth of sources to show just how common the practice of abducting slaves was. Koyo gunkan 甲陽軍鑑, for instance, offers a graphic account of the great numbers of women and children seized by the Takeda army after the Battle of Kawanakajima 川中島 of 1553:.... Hojo godaiki 北条五代記 reveals how systematized the process of ransoming and abduction could become... Reports by the Portuguese corroborate such accounts. In 1578, the Shimazu 島津 armies overran the Otomo 大友 territories in northern Kyushu."
  5. ^ Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 277, "Chinese forced labor brought to Japan via these pirates is Zhèng Shùn-gōng 鄭舜功’s Rìběn Yíjiàn 日本一鑑. The book was compiled during Zhèng’s six-month trip to Bungo 豊後 in 1556, during the height of the Wakō activities in the region. In the section describing captives in Japan, Zhèng mentions that in Takasu 高洲, southern Kyushu, there were about two to three hundred Chinese people, “treated like cattle”, originally from Fúzhōu 福州, Xīnghuà 興化, Quánzhōu 泉州, Zhāngzhōu 漳州 and other areas serving as slaves in the region.910"
  6. ^ Human Trafficking and Piracy in Early Modern East Asia: Maritime Challenges to the Ming Dynasty Economy, 1370–1565, Harriet Zurndorfer, Comparative Studies in Society and History (2023), 1–24 doi:10.1017/S0010417523000270, p. 13, "The wokou also engaged in human trafficking. In 1556, the Zhejiang coastal commander Yang Yi sent his envoy Zheng Shungong (flourished in the sixteenth century) to Japan to ask Kyushu authorities to suppress piracy along the Chinese littoral. When Zheng arrived, he found in Satsuma some two to three hundred Chinese working as slaves. Originally from southern Fujian prefectures, they were kept by Japanese families who had bought them from the wokou some twenty years before.61"
  7. ^ Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 282, "Forced labor was a sub product of these struggles, and the Japanese slave market became dependent not only on Chinese and Koreans captured by Wakō, but also on servants captured domestically."
  8. ^ Maki, Hidemasa. Jinshin Baibai [Human Trafficking]. Tokyo: Iwanami Shinsho, 1971, p. 60.
  9. ^ University of Tokyo Historiographical Institute. Strolling Through the Forest of Japanese History: 42 Fascinating Stories Told by Historical Documents. Tokyo: Chuko Shinsho, 2014, pp. 77–78.
  10. ^ Rômulo Ehalt, Geninka and Slavery: Jesuit Casuistry and Tokugawa Legislation on Japanese Bondage (1590s–1620s), Itinerario (2023), 47, 342–356 doi:10.1017/S0165115323000256, p. 354, "The same suggestion was repeated in other cases. For instance, those who offered themselves to work in exchange for protection during events like famines and natural disasters were often considered genin in Japanese society, but confessors were to admonish penitents that they should free these genin upon the completion of enough labour to pay for the amount of food, clothing, and shelter provided."
  11. ^ Rômulo Ehalt, Geninka and Slavery: Jesuit Casuistry and Tokugawa Legislation on Japanese Bondage (1590s–1620s), Itinerario (2023), 47, 342–356 doi:10.1017/S0165115323000256, pp. 352-353, "This principle was not limited to the case of genin—social status in general was also often transmitted according to the same gender-based rule: sons taking on that of their fathers, daughters of their mothers....Nevertheless, the authority of the Ritsuryō was always on the minds of early modern Japanese. In 1587, when a group of Japanese visiting Manila was questioned on bondage practices in their country, their response to the fate of genin children replicated the model established by the code.5"
  12. ^ Rômulo Ehalt, Geninka and Slavery: Jesuit Casuistry and Tokugawa Legislation on Japanese Bondage (1590s–1620s), Itinerario (2023), 47, p.354, "From the ten titles analysed in Goa, the only case of geninka considered unjustifiable was that of Japanese lords who called upon their retainers to relinquish their daughters to serve in their manors. The lack of historical precedents and legal criteria regarding this practice prevented its approval. In the end, the debate compiled a list of conditions necessary to tolerate most instances of geninka. Out of the ten cases put forward by the Japan mission, seven were conditionally accepted as cases of slavery: four cases of commodification, in which the individual could be enslaved in exchange for money, two cases accepted as enslavement by punishment, and one regarding the passing of the bonded status from the mother to the child. Additionally, the subjugation of individuals in exchange for food and shelter and servitude as a result of captivity in war, were to be considered temporary situations of bondage, although they should not be equated to slavery. In the end, missionaries resorted to great sophistication in their arguments out of concern with the religious and legal implications for Christians declaring ownership of enslaved people in Asia and, foremost, with the political and economic consequences missionaries in Japan could face if they decided to condemn these practices. Arguably, the debate revealed how theology and the ius commune were used in casuistical analysis to overcome issues of incommensurability regarding the use of slavery as a legal category in areas where its assessment was considered challenging, such as Japan."
  13. ^ "The Ceramic Wars: Japan Kidnaps Korean Artisans".
  14. ^ a b Hoffman, Michael (2013-05-26). "The rarely, if ever, told story of Japanese sold as slaves by Portuguese traders". The Japan Times. Archived from the original on 2021-07-05. Retrieved 2021-07-04.
  15. ^ In the Name of God: The Making of Global Christianity By Edmondo F. Lupieri, James Hooten, Amanda Kunder [1]
  16. ^ Nelson, Thomas (Winter 2004). "Monumenta Nipponica (Slavery in Medieval Japan)". Monumenta Nipponica. 59 (4). Sophia University.: 463–492. JSTOR 25066328.
  17. ^ Monumenta Nipponica: Studies on Japanese Culture, Past and Present, Volume 59, Issues 3-4. Sophia University (Jōchi Daigaku). 2004. p. 463.
  18. ^ Ehalt, Rumolo (2018). Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan (PhD). Tokyo University of Foreign Studies. Retrieved 6 July 2021.
  19. ^ Michael Weiner, ed. (2004). Race, Ethnicity and Migration in Modern Japan: Imagined and imaginary minorities (illustrated ed.). Taylor & Francis. p. 408. ISBN 0415208572. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
  20. ^ Kwame Anthony Appiah; Henry Louis Gates Jr., eds. (2005). Africana: The Encyclopedia of the African and African American Experience (illustrated ed.). Oxford University Press. p. 479. ISBN 0195170555. Retrieved 2014-02-02. japanese slaves portuguese.
  21. ^ Anthony Appiah; Henry Louis Gates, eds. (2010). Encyclopedia of Africa, Volume 1 (illustrated ed.). Oxford University Press. p. 187. ISBN 978-0195337709. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
  22. ^ Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. pp. 522-523, "The Spanish jurist thus registers that the enslavement of Japanese and Chinese was admitted as far as it was temporary, and that their servitude was fundamentally different from perpetual slavery. This difference is reinforced by the wording of his Latin text: while Asian slavery is called iustae captivitas, Japanese and Chinese servitude is expressly referred as temporali famulitium, temporal servitude. These were not people enslaved as a result of captivity in war, nor were to be understood as common slaves...Also, the legitimacy of these servants is provided by the understanding that local customs and laws were just according to European standards. This shows a line of interpretation close to what Valignano defended until 1598 in his idea of Japanese slavery’s tolerability."
  23. ^ Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 473, "Next, Cerqueira deals with the issue of voluntary servitude, which here most probably refers to the practice of nenkihōkō 年季奉公 in Japan. The bishop makes it clear that the Japanese fulfilled all the conditions prescribed by moral theology for voluntary servitude, as for example the six points defined by Silvestre Mazzolini.1446"
  24. ^ Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 472, "Cerqueira said that these parents would be led to subject their children to slavery because they could not pay taxes demanded by non-Christian Japanese lords. However, the problem he had in Japan was that gentile rulers were creating this situation...On the other hand, the problem of definition of necessity also permeates this discussion. Cerqueira indicates that some children were sold not out of extreme necessity, but rather of great necessity. The issue here is relativism: given the local living standards, the Japanese were supposedly able to live in conditions that could be deemed extreme in other areas but were rather ordinary in the archipelago"
  25. ^ WESTBROOK, Raymond. “Vitae Necisque Potestas”. In: Historia: Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte, Bd. 48,H. 2 (2nd quarter, 1999). Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1999, p. 203
  26. ^ Tōkyō Daigaku Shiryō Hensanjo (ed.). Nihon Kankei Kaigai Shiryō –Iezusu-kai Nihon Shokan, Genbun, 3 volumes. Tokyo: Tōkyō Daigaku Shiryō Hensanjo, 1990-2011. I, p. 170
  27. ^ Juan Ruiz-de-Medina (ed.). Documentos del Japón, 2 Vol. Rome: Instituto Histórico de la Compañía de Jesús, 1990-1995. I, p.216
  28. ^ Rômulo Ehalt, Geninka and Slavery: Jesuit Casuistry and Tokugawa Legislation on Japanese Bondage (1590s–1620s), Itinerario (2023), 47, 342–356 doi:10.1017/S0165115323000256, p. 354,"Similar argument was made in the discussion of the case of women who had fled their fathers or husbands and sought shelter in the local lord’s house. While Japanese custom accepted that these women could be trans- formed into genin by the lord, the Goa theologians established that they could be considered enslaved only when they had been accused of and condemned for a crime. Otherwise, missionaries should campaign for their liberation in advising Japanese Christians through confession."
  29. ^ Rômulo Ehalt, Geninka and Slavery: Jesuit Casuistry and Tokugawa Legislation on Japanese Bondage (1590s–1620s), Itinerario (2023), 47, 342–356 doi:10.1017/S0165115323000256, pp. 352-353, "Rescuing people condemned to death could result in tolerable slavery, but the condemnation had to be unjust—a conclusion evocative of the Mediterranean and Atlantic doctrine of rescate. In that case, a Christian could offer a fair ransom and, since no one should be forced to give his or her money for free, the benefactor could hold the rescued person in exchange as their servant, especially when some spiritual good came as a result of such transaction"
  30. ^ Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. pp. 522-523, "The Spanish jurist thus registers that the enslavement of Japanese and Chinese was admitted as far as it was temporary, and that their servitude was fundamentally different from perpetual slavery. This difference is reinforced by the wording of his Latin text: while Asian slavery is called iustae captivitas, Japanese and Chinese servitude is expressly referred as temporali famulitium, temporal servitude. These were not people enslaved as a result of captivity in war, nor were to be understood as common slaves...Also, the legitimacy of these servants is provided by the understanding that local customs and laws were just according to European standards. This shows a line of interpretation close to what Valignano defended until 1598 in his idea of Japanese slavery’s tolerability."
  31. ^ Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 445, "The issue raised by the questionnaire is whether land possessions could be retained in good conscience. Of course, its concern with the conscience of the lord means that the missionaries were in reality worried with local Christian lords and their territorial conquests – whether converts could be forgiven for conquering land militarily or if they should be admonished to return these. In fact, it warns that any attempt to make them restitute an illegitimate conquest would fail, as they themselves considered these to be legitimately owned and conquered. The problem, thus, is whether Jesuits should dissimulate and pretend to ignore this issue."
  32. ^ Rômulo Ehalt, Geninka and Slavery: Jesuit Casuistry and Tokugawa Legislation on Japanese Bondage (1590s–1620s), Itinerario (2023), 47, 342–356 doi:10.1017/S0165115323000256, "Tolerance was a rhetorical device closely related to dissimulation, a legal strategy tacitly approved by canon law that authorised missionaries to conform to local practices while adhering to established theological and legal principles, a much-needed rhetorical device for those attempting to accommodate the Christian dogma to local social dynamics.48"
  33. ^ Rômulo Ehalt, Geninka and Slavery: Jesuit Casuistry and Tokugawa Legislation on Japanese Bondage (1590s–1620s), Itinerario (2023), 47, 342–356 doi:10.1017/S0165115323000256, "This was due not to theoretical or legal reasons, but to the lack of authoritative power held by Jesuits in Japan. As argued numerous times by the visitor of the vice-province, Valignano, missionaries could not expect positive outcomes from their reprimands and admonitions because of their limited capacity to alter or influence the courses of action taken by Japanese Christians, particularly powerful individuals, when facing moral doubts.46
  34. ^ Rômulo Ehalt, Geninka and Slavery: Jesuit Casuistry and Tokugawa Legislation on Japanese Bondage (1590s–1620s), Itinerario (2023), 47, 342–356 doi:10.1017/S0165115323000256, "Because of this disadvantage, there was the need to create grey areas where missionaries could let go of otherwise inadmissible situations. Hence, from the get-go, the debate envisioned three outcomes: forms of Japanese bondage equal to slavery; situations that were not the same as slavery but could be tolerated by the missionaries; and intolerable cases."
  35. ^ Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, Jesuit Arguments for Voluntary Slavery in Japan and Brazil, Brazilian Journal of History, Volume: 39, Number: 80, Jan-Apr. 2019., p.10
  36. ^ Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan、Rômulo da Silva Ehalt、p. 426
  37. ^ Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Doctoral Dissertation, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017., pp. 486-487, "Four days later, the Bishop took the pen again to write another letter, now addressed to the King, before the ships left to Macao. Thus, Cerqueira started his lobbying campaign to obtain formal secular legal actions against the slave trade...This letter must be read as an appendix to the copy of the September 4th 1598 gathering memorandum sent to the king. Cerqueira here confirms that, since the excommunication issued by Martins, there was already intent of putting an end to the license system. The final confirmation of the end of the system came with the orders sent by the general of the order, Claudio Acquaviva, via the Philippines, eight days after Gil de la Mata arrived in Japan in August 1598."
  38. ^ Monumenta Nipponica. Sophia University (Jōchi Daigaku ). 2004. p. 465.
  39. ^ Joseph Mitsuo Kitagawa (2013). Religion in Japanese History (illustrated, reprint ed.). Columbia University Press. p. 144. ISBN 978-0231515092. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
  40. ^ Donald Calman (2013). Nature and Origins of Japanese Imperialism. Routledge. p. 37. ISBN 978-1134918430. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
  41. ^ "藤木 久志 (Hisashi Fujiki) - マイポータル - researchmap".
  42. ^ Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 333, "In conclusion, the interrogatory sent by Hideyoshi shows that the ruler was more concerned with economic aspects and the impact of the way Jesuits acted in Japan rather than moral issues. The depletion of the fields of Kyushu from human and animal labor force was a serious issue to the local economy. This conclusion overturns what has been stated by the previous historiography, since Okamoto, who defended that Hideyoshi, upon arriving in Kyushu, discovered for the first time the horrors of the slave trade and, moved by anger, ordered its suspension.1053 However, as we saw before, the practice was much older and most certainly known in the whole archipelago, although apparently restricted to Kyushu. Because the Kanpaku consolidated his rule over the island, conditions were favorable for him to enact such orders."
  43. ^ MAKI Hidemasa. Jinshin Baibai. Tokyo: Iwanami Shinsho, 1971, pp. 53-74
  44. ^ Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017, p. 352, "As it seems, the missionaries had stopped enacting licenses or, at least, held much more severe restrictions to enact any permit....That means that in 1588, when the next Portuguese ship captained by Jerónimo Pereira arrived in Japan, the Jesuits curtailed severely the export of slaves."
  45. ^ "Japanese ruler Toyotomi Hideyoshi ended a cycle of various prohibitions started in 1587 against kidnappings and human trafficking in Japan. The visitor of the then–Jesuit vice-province of Japan, the Italian priest Alessandro Valignano, a trained lawyer whose actions had deep repercussion in the policies adopted by the various missions of the order in Asia, decided to interfere and halted members of the Society of Jesus from intermediating sales of Japanese individuals to Portuguese merchants.39 The measure soon lost its practical effect."
  46. ^ Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017, p.440 ,"Meanwhile, Hideyoshi prepared a new invasion of the Korean Peninsula. Starting on March 14th 1597, the ruler ordered Japanese forces to start crossing the sea back to the southern part of the peninsula, an operation that lasted until circa August. This second campaign would bear witness to a huge increase in the number of slaves in the Japanese market. Whereas the first Japanese invasion of Korean brought lots of Korean men and women to be enslaved in Japan, the second invasion seemed to make of this activity an industry. Even though the Macanese authorities had forbidden the transport of slaves, and the Bishop had enacted an excommunication, it seems Portuguese merchants were circumventing the rules. Japanese brought crowds of Korean prisoners to the islands, and Portuguese merchants were eagerly acquiring them and taking them out of the archipelago. Contemporary sources are graphical in their description, and the following section will present the gruesome scenario in which these prisoners were captured and transported to Japan.
  47. ^ Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017, pp.432-433, "Nevertheless, the available sources offer secure indicators on how this order worked. Martins’ decision established a new rule for Portuguese merchants in Japan – Japanese or Koreans were not to be purchased nor taken out of the archipelago. By reading the 1598 document, it seems that the Jesuits decided to finish their permit system, in place since the Cosme de Torres era, and prosecute slave traders. Interestingly, the main difference here between the ecclesiastical legislation and the local Japanese legislation, enforced by Hideyoshi’s administration, was that the bishop included the Koreans in his ban, while the Japanese ruler expected to use them"
  48. ^ Asian Slaves in Colonial Mexico: From Chinos to Indians, Tatiana Seijas, Cambridge University Press, 2014, DOI:https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781107477841, p.251 "Chino Slaves with Identifiable Origins All 225 Spanish Philippines1 62 Muslim Philippines2 17 India3 68 Bengal [Bangladesh and India] 30 Ambon, Borneo, Java, Makassar, Maluku Islands [Indonesia] 15 Melaka, Malay [Malaysia] 9 Ceylon [Sri Lanka] 6 Japan 4 Macau [China] 3 Timor 2 Unrecognizable4 9 Note: My database for this study consists of 598 chino slaves. Of these, only 225 cases involved individuals whose place of origin was identified in the surviving documentation."
  49. ^ Robert Gellately; Ben Kiernan, eds. (2003). The Specter of Genocide: Mass Murder in Historical Perspective (reprint ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 277. ISBN 0521527503. Retrieved 2014-02-02. Hideyoshi korean slaves guns silk.
  50. ^ Gavan McCormack; Edwin O. Reischauer Institute of Japanese Studies (2001). Reflections on Modern Japanese History in the Context of the Concept of "genocide". Harvard University. p. 18.
  51. ^ Olof G. Lidin (2002). Tanegashima - The Arrival of Europe in Japan. Routledge. p. 170. ISBN 1135788715. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
  52. ^ Amy Stanley; Matthew H. Sommer (2012). Selling Women: Prostitution, Markets, and the Household in Early Modern Japan. Vol. 21 of Asia: Local Studies / Global Themes. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0520952386. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
  53. ^ Jonathan D. Spence (1985). The memory palace of Matteo Ricci (illustrated, reprint ed.). Penguin Books. p. 208. ISBN 0140080988. Retrieved 2012-05-05. countryside.16 Slaves were everywhere in Lisbon, according to the Florentine merchant Filippo Sassetti, who was also living in the city during 1578. Black slaves were the most numerous, but there were also a scattering of Chinese
  54. ^ José Roberto Teixeira Leite (1999). A China no Brasil: influências, marcas, ecos e sobrevivências chinesas na sociedade e na arte brasileiras (in Portuguese). UNICAMP. Universidade Estadual de Campinas. p. 19. ISBN 8526804367. Idéias e costumes da China podem ter-nos chegado também através de escravos chineses, de uns poucos dos quais sabe-se da presença no Brasil de começos do Setecentos.17 Mas não deve ter sido através desses raros infelizes que a influência chinesa nos atingiu, mesmo porque escravos chineses (e também japoneses) já existiam aos montes em Lisboa por volta de 1578, quando Filippo Sassetti visitou a cidade,18 apenas suplantados em número pelos africanos. Parece aliás que aos últimos cabia o trabalho pesado, ficando reservadas aos chins tarefas e funções mais amenas, inclusive a de em certos casos secretariar autoridades civis, religiosas e militares.
  55. ^ Jeanette Pinto (1992). Slavery in Portuguese India, 1510-1842. Himalaya Pub. House. p. 18. ing Chinese as slaves, since they are found to be very loyal, intelligent and hard working' . . . their culinary bent was also evidently appreciated. The Florentine traveller Fillippo Sassetti, recording his impressions of Lisbon's enormous slave population circa 1580, states that the majority of the Chinese there were employed as cooks.
  56. ^ Charles Ralph Boxer (1968). Fidalgos in the Far East 1550-1770 (2, illustrated, reprint ed.). 2, illustrated, reprint. p. 225. be very loyal, intelligent, and hard-working. Their culinary bent (not for nothing is Chinese cooking regarded as the Asiatic equivalent to French cooking in Europe) was evidently appreciated. The Florentine traveller Filipe Sassetti recording his impressions of Lisbon's enormous slave population circa 1580, states that the majority of the Chinese there were employed as cooks. Dr. John Fryer, who gives us an interesting ...
  57. ^ José Roberto Teixeira Leite (1999). A China No Brasil: Influencias, Marcas, Ecos E Sobrevivencias Chinesas Na Sociedade E Na Arte Brasileiras (in Portuguese). UNICAMP. Universidade Estadual de Campinas. p. 19. ISBN 8526804367.
  58. ^ Paul Finkelman (1998). Paul Finkelman, Joseph Calder Miller (ed.). Macmillan encyclopedia of world slavery, Volume 2. Macmillan Reference USA, Simon & Schuster Macmillan. p. 737. ISBN 0028647815.
  59. ^ Duarte de Sande (2012). Derek Massarella (ed.). Japanese Travellers in Sixteenth-century Europe: A Dialogue Concerning the Mission of the Japanese Ambassadors to the Roman Curia (1590). Vol. 25 of 3: Works, Hakluyt Society Hakluyt Society. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. ISBN 978-1409472230. ISSN 0072-9396.
  60. ^ A. C. de C. M. Saunders (1982). A Social History of Black Slaves and Freedmen in Portugal, 1441-1555. Vol. 25 of 3: Works, Hakluyt Society Hakluyt Society (illustrated ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 168. ISBN 0521231507. Retrieved 2014-02-02.
  61. ^ Jeanette Pinto (1992). Slavery in Portuguese India, 1510-1842. Himalaya Pub. House. p. 18.
  62. ^ Charles Ralph Boxer (1968). Fidalgos in the Far East 1550-1770 (2, illustrated, reprint ed.). Oxford U.P. p. 225. ISBN 978-0-19-638074-2.
  63. ^ Dias, Maria Suzette Fernandes (2007), Legacies of slavery: comparative perspectives, Cambridge Scholars Publishing, p. 71, ISBN 978-1-84718-111-4
  64. ^ Lewis, James Bryant. (2003). Frontier Contact Between Choson Korea and Tokugawa Japan, p. 31-32.
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  67. ^ Zhifen Ju, "Japan's Atrocities of Conscripting and Abusing North China Draftees after the Outbreak of the Pacific War", Joint study of the Sino-Japanese war, 2002, http://www.fas.harvard.edu/~asiactr/sino-japanese/minutes_2002.htm
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Bibliography

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