Sebele II

Sebele II
Sebele II in 1918
Born1892 (1892)
Died2 October 1939(1939-10-02) (aged 46–47)
TitleKgosi of the Bakwena
Term
PredecessorSechele II
SuccessorKgari Sechele II
ChildrenMoruakgomo Sechele
FatherSechele II

Kelebantse Sebele a Sechele II (1892 – 2 October 1939), popularly known as Sebele II, was chief, or kgosi, of the Kwena tribe in the Bechuanaland Protectorate (present-day Botswana) from 1918 to 1931. He succeeded his father, Sechele II, and quickly came into conflict with other members of his family and with the British colonial administration, which deemed him uncooperative and unstable.

Sebele was exiled by the colonial administration in 1931, in an effort led by the new resident commissioner Charles Rey. The administration accused Sebele of corruption and oppression of his people. Sebele's removal incited anger among the Bakwena, who continued to recognise him as the legitimate kgosi. He was succeeded by his younger brother Kgari Sechele II, who was chosen by Rey despite not being next in the line of succession. Sebele's son Moruakgomo Sechele became a pretender, triggering a succession crisis in 1962.

Early life and family

Kelebantse Sebele a Sechele II[1] was born in 1892 as the son of Sechele II, kgosi of the Kwena tribe.[2] He was the younger brother of Padi and the elder brother of Tumagole, Kgari, Kgwanyakgwanyang, and Neale.[3] Sebele attended the Tiger Kloof Educational Institute for one year,[2] ultimately dropping out of school.[4] He moved to Witwatersrand in 1912, where he worked as a mining clerk until 1916.[2] In this environment, he had first-hand experience both of poor living conditions around the mines and the urbanisation of Johannesburg that the tribe's political leaders did not typically obtain.[5] He enlisted in the South African Native Labour Corps in 1917 and fought in France during World War I.[2] He served as a corporal. Black soldiers were mistreated by white officers, and Sebele came to distrust white populations. While in Paris, he was presented before the British royal family. He was sent home with all of the black soldiers after some had mutinied against white officers.[5] Sebele took a woman named Tlhalefang as his senior wife.[6]

Kgosi of the Bakwena

Activity and policies

Sebele became kgosi of the Bakwena on 12 February 1918.[7] He was the first kgosi of the Bakwena who could read English.[8][4]

Infrastructure was a major focus during his reign; he set standardised building requirements, had landfills installed, ordered the use of graveyards, and oversaw the creation of roads and a British hospital.[8] He advocated building a dam, but the idea was unsuccessful.[9] Sebele was an advocate for community events, and he sometimes attended them to sing, dance, and play the piano.[9]

Sebele gave special privileges to the poor, donating the produce of his chiefly grain field, or masotla, and setting aside some of the cattle that were collected as strays or through fines. He had loose policies on stray cattle, or matimela, allowing their owners extensive time to collect them. He implemented regulations on sellers of both grain and cattle.[10]

Sebele sometimes patrolled the streets on his horse at nights, wielding a riding crop to be used against anyone causing trouble.[9]

The greatest point of contention under Sebele's reign was religion. The London Missionary Society, which held influence over many Bakwena headmen, objected to several practices that were permitted by the Bakwena. Sebele's father had already allowed Anglicanism to be practiced by the Bakwena, challenging the London Missionary Society's monopoly on Christianity in Botswana, and he reversed the tribe's rules against polygyny, rainmaking, and bogwera. Sebele angered the London Missionary Society further by allowing circumcision.[11] Sebele's allowance of these practices divided the population, with Christians standing in opposition to him.[4] He is also alleged to have instituted droit du seigneur.[12] Sebele tried to compromise by asserting freedom of religion.[13]

Sebele went to Botlhapatlou in 1922 to complete his bogwera rite of passage, despite British objection to his departure and to the bogwera practice entirely. His tribal age regiment, or mophato, underwent bogwera for several months. His regiment was named MaThubantwa, taking the name of his grandfather's regiment.[14]

Sebele's reign marked the beginning of reduced trade between the Bakwena and the peoples of the Kalahari Desert, and the colonial administration blamed Sebele for their reduced influence in the region over the following years.[15] Contact was lost entirely with the village Tsetseng and was not restored until its reincorporation in 1940.[16][17]

Sebele had frequent sexual partners to the point that both allies and critics considered it a problem that affected his work. He was also known for his frequent consumption of alcohol and the anger he expressed while drunk.[10]

Internal conflict

Upon becoming kgosi, Sebele inherited the opposition that had plagued his father. Sebele's uncles, Kebohula and Moiteelasilo, had split from the tribe and remained at Borakalalo with their supporters when Sechele moved the tribe's capital to the neighbouring Ntsweng.[18] A Tribal Council was created by the colonial administration in opposition to Sebele's father, with Kebohula and Moiteelasilo as members.[19]

Another faction that had separated from the rule of Sebele's father, the followers of Jacoba a Kgari, reunited with the Bakwena and came under Sebele's rule.[9]

Sebele developed a reputation among his opponents for being irresponsible as kgosi, and he was also seen as unduly harsh, earning him the nickname kgoma ya tlhaba (transl. wild ox).[20] Sebele's opponents lambasted him as a reactionary and a neotraditionalist.[21] Those who participated in the bogwera rite of passage with him in 1922 faced discrimination in the church and were prevented from attending school. He was also accused of forcing people to participate against their will.[9]

Disagreements between headmen and commoners, as well as between neotraditionalists and Christians, had been ongoing for generations within the Bakwena.[4] The headmen were predominantly Christian and objected to the protection of tribal religious practices.[4] They also had personal reasons for opposing Sechele and Sebele, who had allowed the promotions of junior tribal headmen and even commoners as advisors over senior headmen.[22] This in itself was a response to the London Missionary Society's hold over the senior headmen.[23] He resisted his advisors and councillors, wishing to avoid any delegation or curtailing of his powers.[18]

Sebele took issue with white and Coloured blacksmiths, believing that they were overcharging. He implemented price controls, added fees, and mandated that they buy firewood from within the Bakwena.[10]

During a period in 1925, Sebele temporarily stepped away from his duties, and Kebohula served as acting kgosi. The colonial administration found Kebohula to be more responsible and more cooperative.[18] A dispute between the two occurred in 1927 when Sebele accused Kebohula of witchcraft. Three days of deliberation ended with a decision to banish Kebohula from the tribe, but the colonial administration overruled the decision. It then passed a proclamation banning both attempts to use witchcraft and making accusations of witchcraft.[24]

Colonial opposition

While the British colonial administration faced several dikgosi that they found insufficient, Sebele proved to be their greatest concern.[25] Britain's resident commissioner expressed dismay over Sebele's succession, describing him as unstable and alcoholic to the high commissioner and requesting that his formal confirmation as kgosi be postponed. The confirmation was delayed indefinitely and never took place.[26] Sebele resented the control that the British Empire exercised over the tribe.[16]

Sebele found himself in confrontation with Resident Commissioner James MacGregor in May 1920 when MacGregor publicly demanded that Sebele relocate the Bakwena back to Borakalalo, threatening Sebele with removal after being rebuffed. Sebele then agreed to relocate the tribe, but months went by without action, so the colonial administration revoked his hut tax commission. Sebele began avoiding contact with the administration, refusing to attend the Native Advisory Council or any meetings that were called. The 1921 Native Advisory Council was attended mainly by headmen of the various tribes, and they sided overall with Sebele's opponents. They considered holding a trial for Sebele on the charge of ignoring his advisors, but they decided to create a British-backed Tribal Council to oversee governance of the Bakwena.[27] The council was similar to one that had been used against Sebele's father, with his uncles Kebohula and Moiteelasilo returning as members.[19] Sebele aligned with businessman B. I. Vickerman, a member of the European Advisory Council. Several of its members objected to the colonial administration's treatment of Sebele and its support of the Bakwena in Borakalalo. This backlash prompted the High Commissioner of Britain's territories to overturn MacGregor's actions until a "substantial majority" of the tribe would support them.[14]

The colonial administration was unsatisfied with Sebele's oversight of the hut tax, feeling that he was not doing enough to enforce its payment.[16] In 1923, he was accused of taking £200 of the tax for himself.[12] The administration assumed responsibility for its collection in 1929.[16] Sebele was one of the dikgosi involved with efforts to limit British power over the Bechuanaland Protectorate in 1927 along with Tshekedi Khama, and the colonial administration feared that they were gaining influence over two other dikgosi, Bathoen II and Molefi.[28] Sebele also angered the colonial administration when he resisted its efforts to exempt Europeans from tribal law.[29]

Removal

Preparation

The colonial administration began planning the removal of Sebele as early as 1921, but chose to wait until enough of the population would support such action,[26] as he remained popular among commoners.[2][16] Sebele's advisors—many of whom were his uncles and cousins—filed complaints against him to the administration, but they remained a minority at the time.[26] Such complaints were filed in numerous times throughout the 1920s, but each time it was determined that his popularity among commoners prevented removal.[16][30] The colonial government made progress toward Sebele's removal when Kgosidintsi, one of the tribe's senior headmen, endorsed removal.[12]

Several British magistrates complained about Sebele, who they said oppressed his citizens and ignored the wishes of the colonial government.[12] Charles Rey became resident commissioner in 1930 and decided that he would have Sebele removed.[2][16] Rey complained that Sebele was corrupt, refusing to preside over disputes or settling them based on favouritism and bribery. He described Sebele as "a drunken dissolute ruffian" and said that he expected he would "have to depose him before long".[16] The administration decided that Sebele was afflicted with syphilis and alcoholism that impaired his ability to serve as kgosi.[12] The local magistrate Howard Neale advised Rey that the native peoples were fatalists and would accept any change in leadership imposed by the administration. This later proved incorrect.[31]

Rey received authorisation from the high commissioner to depose Sebele in October 1930, but this was overruled by the Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs that December.[28] Rey found a pretext to remove Sebele in March 1931, when he had the tribe commence the traditional bogwera initiation ceremony.[28] This rite of passage was considered anti-Christian, and its practice was seen as a direct rejection of the administration's authority.[28][32] Rey's description of the events, which he had exaggerated to suggest participation was coerced, convinced the dominion affairs secretary to allow for Sebele's removal.[28][8] The order to remove Sebele was given on 7 May 1931.[28]

Banishment

The administration chose to remove Sebele from the area before deposing him to avoid a risk of revolt by the Bakwena.[33] Sebele, Kebohula, and Moiteelasilo were summoned to Mafeking, ostensibly to discuss regional water policy. They arrived on 2 June 1931, at which point Sebele was informed that he was to be banished to Ghanzi, while Kebohula and Moiteelasilo would serve on an interim council.[28] Sebele was not afforded a trial and complained that he had not received the due process he was entitled to under the colonial law.[22][33] Rey chose to remove Sebele indirectly, citing a 1907 proclamation that empowered him to carry out the banishment.[34]

The official reasons given for Sebele's removal were "the embezzlement of £200 hut tax; his oppression and misrule of Bakwena; corruption in kgotla cases; seduction of the daughter of Corporal Moses; the assault of his principal wife Tlhalefang; and neglect of his duties".[33] Sebele left in exile on 10 June.[22] Before leaving, he reportedly sent a message to his people reading "Retlasetswe", meaning that the tribe has been attacked or invaded. This later became a common refrain in demanding his return.[35] Rey hoped that the removal would make an example of Sebele and discourage resistance from other dikgosi.[28] In effect, it emboldened their resistance.[36]

The Bakwena were outraged by Sebele's removal. Kebohula, Moiteelasilo, and their police escort were pelted with stones upon returning to Ntsweng. Rey organised a meeting of two thousand Bakwena in Molepolole on 10 June where Sebele's successor was appointed. No one here was allowed to speak Sebele's name.[37] Rey decided to skip the line of succession and appointed Sebele's younger brother Kgari as acting kgosi.[38][28] The people are said to have stood or raised their hands upon Kgari's appointment, which Rey argued was an indication of their support. The meeting was interrupted only once, by a man who earned cheers from the crowd when demanding Sebele's return.[37]

Exile and succession

I want to let you know that I have already left, even though I do not like it. I just had to follow the White man's orders. But I also want you to be aware that this does not just affect me, but you all as well, all the Chieftainships of the Northern and Southern Protectorate, and the Union. Help! Help! Help! Our land and nation is going.

Sebele II, in a message to Tshekedi Khama on 10 June 1931[22]

Tribes in Bechuanaland and South Africa expressed their support for Sebele, demanding his return and raising legal funds. Sebele reportedly contacted several dikgosi to seek their assistance.[35] The colonial administration's official position was that it had not initiated Sebele's removal and that its only involvement was to facilitate support of an internal uprising.[22][39] The colonial administration was careful when describing the events not to use the word "deposed", instead saying that Sebele was "relieved of his functions".[33][40] The United Kingdom issued a proclamation in 1934 that explicitly required chiefs to seek government approval and empowered the colonial government to remove them.[34] Historian Jeff Ramsay described Sebele's reign and subsequent removal as the point that the Bakwena began declining in influence.[22][16]

Sebele was still considered the rightful chief by the Bakwena while he was in exile,[39][37] and many continued to demand his return.[22][16] As resistance continued, Rey organised a ceremony to crown Kgari as the official kgosi on 1 September 1931, hoping to legitimise his rule. Complicating the succession was that Sebele had never been formally removed from the position, only exiled.[35] Sebele's supporters, the BoSebele, submitted the Great Petition to the colonial administration on 6 March 1933, demanding that Sebele be returned and his right to due process be recognised. The petition had approximately 1,400 signatories, in contrast to the previous petitions that had been submitted against his rule, which had never accumulated more than 25 signatures. Bathoen II and Tshekedi also managed to have the issue brought before the House of Commons of the United Kingdom. Over time, the BoSebele began facing fines, unemployment, and arrest.[29] Kgari privately acknowledged that Sebele was the legitimate chief and resisted efforts to bring about his return, rejecting an offer by Sebele to formally abdicate in exchange for an end to his exile in 1938.[41]

Sebele was popular among the people in Ghanzi, to the point that white residents feared his influence. He believed that he had not truly been banished, because he was still in the country, while the British were not.[41] He took a second wife, a Coloured woman named Susan Wolf,[29] whom he married in 1928.[42] He took a third fiancee, Senwelo-a-Jacoba, but they never wed.[37] Sebele had his first son, Moruakgomo Sechele, in 1934 with Susan.[43] He had a second son, Mokgalagadi, also with Susan.[41]

Sebele died on 2 October 1939, and his body was returned to Molepolole.[41] Sebele's removal fostered doubt about the Bakwena line of succession that continued for generations after his death.[22][23] His death added legitimacy to Kgari's rule, but Moruakgomo became a pretender who saw support from many who still rejected Kgari.[44] Supporters of Bonewamang Padi Sechele, another pretender, insisted that Susan never formally wed Sebele, which would make Moruakgomo illegitimate.[6][45] Moruakgomo and Bonewamang were the subjects of a succession dispute after Kgari's death in 1962, which led to Sebele's brother Neale being chosen as kgosi.[45] Sebele remained a controversial figure among the Bakwena for generations after his death as opinions on his neotraditionalist policies were split.[4]

Notes

  1. ^ Ramsay 1987, p. 30.
  2. ^ a b c d e f Morton & Ramsay 2018, Sebele II, Kelebantse Sechele (1983–1939).
  3. ^ Mbuya 1999, pp. 66–67.
  4. ^ a b c d e f Ramsay 1987, p. 31.
  5. ^ a b Ramsay 1987, p. 32.
  6. ^ a b Mbuya 1999, p. 72.
  7. ^ Morton & Ramsay 2018, Chronology.
  8. ^ a b c Gulbrandsen 2012, p. 79.
  9. ^ a b c d e Ramsay 1987, p. 35.
  10. ^ a b c Ramsay 1987, p. 36.
  11. ^ Gulbrandsen 2012, p. 78.
  12. ^ a b c d e Vengroff 1975, p. 45.
  13. ^ Ramsay 1987, pp. 32–33.
  14. ^ a b Ramsay 1987, p. 34.
  15. ^ Makgala 2008, p. 64.
  16. ^ a b c d e f g h i j Makgala 2008, p. 65.
  17. ^ Makgala 2008, pp. 64–65.
  18. ^ a b c Mbuya 1999, p. 65.
  19. ^ a b Ramsay 1987, pp. 33–34.
  20. ^ Mbuya 1999, p. 63.
  21. ^ Gulbrandsen 2012, pp. 78–79.
  22. ^ a b c d e f g h Ramsay 1996, p. 65.
  23. ^ a b Gulbrandsen 2012, p. 80.
  24. ^ Schapera 1952, p. 42.
  25. ^ Gulbrandsen 2012, pp. 69–70.
  26. ^ a b c Mbuya 1999, p. 64.
  27. ^ Ramsay 1987, p. 33.
  28. ^ a b c d e f g h i Ramsay 1996, p. 69.
  29. ^ a b c Ramsay 1996, p. 74.
  30. ^ Ramsay 1996, pp. 65–66.
  31. ^ Ramsay 1996, pp. 69–70.
  32. ^ Mbuya 1999, pp. 65–66.
  33. ^ a b c d Mbuya 1999, p. 66.
  34. ^ a b Vengroff 1975, p. 46.
  35. ^ a b c Ramsay 1996, p. 73.
  36. ^ Ramsay 1996, p. 76.
  37. ^ a b c d Ramsay 1996, p. 70.
  38. ^ Mbuya 1999, p. 61.
  39. ^ a b Mbuya 1999, p. 68.
  40. ^ Ramsay 1996, p. 79.
  41. ^ a b c d Ramsay 1996, p. 77.
  42. ^ Morton & Ramsay 2018, Moruakgomo Sechele (1932–1979).
  43. ^ Mbuya 1999, pp. 66, 71.
  44. ^ Mbuya 1999, p. 71.
  45. ^ a b Ramsay 1996, p. 78.

References

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  • Schapera, Isaac (1952). "Sorcery and Witchraft in Bechuanaland". African Affairs. 51 (202): 41–52. doi:10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a094038. ISSN 1468-2621.
  • Vengroff, Richard (1975). "Traditional Political Structures in the Contemporary Context: The Chieftaincy in the Kweneng". African Studies. 34 (1): 39–56. doi:10.1080/00020187508707445. ISSN 0002-0184.