Nanigopal Mukherjee

Nani Gopal Mukhopadhyay, also known as Nanigopal Mukherjee (Bengali: ননী গোপাল মুখোপাধ্যায় Nani Gopal Mukhopadhyay) (1895–1938) was a Bengali revolutionary from Hooghly district, known for his early involvement in Indian independence movement. Influenced by Jyotish Ghosh, he joined a secret revolutionary group and attempted to assassinate Police intelligence officer Denham in 1911.^[1] Although the bomb failed to explode, Nani Gopal took responsibility and was deported to the Andaman Cellular Jail in 1912 at the age of 17.^[2] There, he led prolonged hunger strikes against inhumane treatment, becoming a symbol of defiance. His unwavering spirit and sacrifice marked him as one of Bengal's unsung heroes of the Indian independence movement.^[1][3]

Nanigopal Mukhopadhyay was born in 1895 in Chinsurah, located in the Hooghly district of Bengal Presidency, British India. He was the youngest the son of Ananda Charan Mukhopadhyay, a government muktear (pleader) at Hooghly Court, and Dakshayani Debi. Although he was raised in a family with established ties to the British administration, Mukhopadhyay chose to reject a conventional path in favor of participating in the Indian freedom struggle.

The family resided in Chinsurah, in the Hooghly district of Bengal. Two of his elder brothers, Jogendra and Makhan Lal, were employed in the British Indian Police; Jogendra served as an Inspector in Arambagh and had briefly worked in the Special Department, while Makhan Lal held the position of Court Sub-Inspector in Howrah.^[4]

Nanigopal Mukhopadhyay began his education at Hooghly Collegiate School. Around the age of 13 or 14, he came into contact with revolutionary leader Jyotish Ghosh, a meeting that proved to be a formative influence on his political outlook. This early exposure to nationalist ideals led him to develop a strong commitment to the anti-colonial struggle.^[5]

Despite resistance from his family—several of whom were employed in the British colonial administration—Nani Gopal Mukhopadhyay became increasingly engaged in nationalist activities from a young age. Under the mentorship of revolutionary leader Jyotish Ghosh, he began traveling to rural areas to promote education and spread political awareness among the local population.^[6][7]

In 1909, at the age of approximately 14, Mukhopadhyay reportedly ran away from home on two occasions. During his first disappearance in September 1909, Noni Gopal Mukherjee ran away from home and went to Narainpur, a village about ten miles from Bolpur, where he opened a pathshala (village school) after hearing of a teaching vacancy. While there, he wrote a letter to his associate Ashu alias Tepa, which was intercepted by one of his brothers named Suren. This led to his discovery, and he was brought back home. Nani remained at home for the next three months, during which he frequently met Jyotish Ghosh. He absconded again in December that year and was not found thereafter. Following this second disappearance, he is believed to have lived a wandering life, supporting himself as a teacher in various locations while maintaining links to the underground revolutionary groups.^[8][9]

During this period, Charles Godfrey Denham, a senior police officer from Police Intelligence Department and colleague of Police commissioner Sir Charles Tegart, was active in Bengal. Both were known for their repressive measures against revolutionary activities, which intensified surveillance and crackdowns on nationalist groups across the region.^[10]

On the afternoon of 2 March 1915, Nani Gopal attempted to assassinate Denham in Kolkata. At approximately 4:00 p.m., F. A. Cowley, a Superintending Engineer with the Public Works Department, was leaving the Writers' Building in a motor vehicle (registration number 599) when the incident occurred. As Cowley approached his car, a young Bengali man—later identified as Nani Gopal approached and threw an object into the vehicle.^[11]

The object was a bomb concealed in tissue paper, likely intended to resemble a bouquet of flowers. It struck Cowley on the leg and landed on a coir mat inside the car. Fortunately, the bomb failed to detonate. Cowley sustained minor injuries but survived the attack.^[12]

Notably, Cowley had just exited the office of the Inspector-General of Police, where he had briefly met Mr. Swain, the Personal Assistant. This detail gained attention during the investigation, as intelligence reports had suggested that members of the revolutionary underground were planning attacks on senior police officials.^[13]

Witnesses, including two passers-by named Watson and Bullen, observed the act and pursued the assailant. With the assistance of two Kolkata Traffic Police constables, they apprehended Nani Gopal shortly after the incident.^[14][15]

Following the failed bombing attempt on 2 March 1915, the explosive device was examined by Colonel Muspratt-Williams, Chief Inspector of Explosives, and the Chemical Examiner. Their analysis confirmed that it was a highly dangerous bomb, composed of picric acid mixed with potassium chlorate and equipped with a paper tube containing fulminate of mercury as a detonator. The Chief Inspector testified that had the device detonated, it would have caused severe destruction. Pieces of newspaper used in the bomb's wrapping were traced to an issue of Amrita Bazar Patrika dated 27 January 1911, indicating its recent manufacture.^[16]

In the immediate aftermath, officers of the Special Branch began inquiries into Mukhopadhyay's background and associates in the Hooghly district. On 4 March, Deputy Superintendent Nanda Kumar Bose obtained limited information from Mukhopadhyay's reluctant father, Ananda Charan Mukhopadhyay. He identified his son as a close associate of Jyotish Ghosh, a former professor at Mohsin College who had been dismissed for political activities and was known to be a follower of Aurobindo Ghosh. Ghosh was reported to be living with his brother, a clerk in the Inspector of Schools’ office at Chinsurah, and had allegedly influenced a number of local youths.^[17]

On 5 March, Nani Gopal provided a detailed statement to the police, outlining his movements and affiliations since leaving home in 1909. He acknowledged his association with Ghosh, stating that the latter encouraged him to renounce material ties and undergo hardship in preparation for service to the nation. Ghosh reportedly advised Nani Gopal to take up work as a teacher in rural pathsalas, enabling him to identify and cultivate potential recruits for revolutionary work.^[18][19]

Mukhopadhyay also mentioned his brief stay at Shantiniketan in Bolpur and subsequent journey to Narainpur, where he established a pathsala (village school). His movements revealed deliberate attempts to evade detection while sustaining revolutionary outreach under the guise of educational activity.

Early Underground Activities

Following the 1908 Alipore bomb case, Nani Gopal Mukherjee went underground to avoid arrest, reportedly under the guidance of Jyotish Ghosh. His movements, as verified by the Special Department, included a brief stay at Santiniketan, Bolepur—corroborated by Jotin Bose—and a visit to Rai Ram Saday Mukerji's village, a Deputy Superintendent involved in investigating the conspiracy. Nani Gopal establishing a pathsala and maintained correspondence with Ghosh. He subsequently worked as a Pandit in Jan Bazar and Gour Bazar before tutoring in Giridih. On 29 January 1911, he was summoned to Calcutta by Ghosh, with railway records confirming his travel.^[20][21]

The Assassination Plot

In Calcutta, Jyotish Ghosh proposed that Mukherjee commit a murder, arranging a meeting at College Square. Although Mukherjee initially missed Ghosh, they met the following day. Ghosh outlined the task vaguely, instructing Mukherjee to attend weekly meetings without providing specifics. Mukherjee briefly returned to Rasulpur, Bardhaman, as a Pandit, before abruptly returning to Kolkata. There, Ghosh introduced him to Narendranath Bandhopadhyay, who disclosed a plot to assassinate British official Denham using a bomb. At 145 Amherst Street, Nanigopal met Shrish Chandra Ghosh (“Khuro”), where the plan was finalized. Narendranath instructed Nani to throw the bomb at Denham; however, the attempt failed when the bomb instead struck engineer Cowley's leg but did not explode.^[22][23][24]

Police Investigation and Arrests

Nani Gopal's statement, recorded in the presence of at that time Deputy Commissioner Tegart, Charles, prompted swift police action. Search warrants were issued for several locations, including 145 Amherst Street, where Banwari Lal Ghosh corroborated Mukherjee's account. Narendranath was arrested at Prem Chand Boral's Lane, and Jyotish Ghosh was apprehended in Chinsurah. Shrish Chandra Ghosh, linked to the Maniktala gang, was arrested at Mechua Bazar Street after removing Nani Gopal's belongings from Amherst Street. Investigations revealed Ghose's prior involvement in supplying revolvers for a murder related to the Maniktala case.^[25][26]

Legal Challenges and Revolutionary Network

Despite detailed statements from Nani Gopal and Narendranath, legal challenges hindered convictions. Neither testified in court, and insufficient corroborative evidence allowed key masterminds to evade prosecution. The conspirators employed careful operational methods to avoid legal accountability. Jyotish Ghosh, a supporter of Arabindo Ghose, was suspected of recruiting and training youths for revolutionary acts, posing a significant threat to British authorities. The case highlighted the difficulties faced by the colonial administration in dismantling anarchist networks, with only minor figures convicted while major instigators remained free.^[27]

Continued Revolutionary Activity and Impact

During subsequent revolutionary activities, Mukherjee was associated with a dangerous assassination group. Authorities feared that acquittals of figures such as Srish Ghose and Jyotish Ghosh would incite further violence. The legal system struggled to secure convictions due to witness reluctance and lack of concrete evidence, a recurring challenge for Mukherjee and his associates. For instance, Jatin Mukherjee’s release for insufficient evidence preceded a police officer's shooting and a bomb attempt, underscoring the persistent threat. Eleven violent incidents over four years reflected anarchist influence, with conspirators largely evading accountability. Although Mukherjee's testimonies provided valuable intelligence, their inadmissibility in court impeded efforts to dismantle revolutionary networks. Jyotish Ghosh's role in recruitment and training, linked to Arabindo Ghosh and the Alipore case, emphasized the movement's organizational depth.^[28][29][30]

Arrest and Imprisonment

Shortly thereafter, Nani Gopal Mukherjee was taken into custody. He voluntarily assumed full responsibility for the failed assassination attempt, which led to the release of Narendranath Bandhopadhyay and Shrish Ghosh due to lack of direct evidence against them.

In 1912, at the age of just 17, Nanigopal Mukherjee was sentenced to 14 years of transportation and deported to the Andaman Islands, a penal colony known for its harsh conditions and isolation.^[31]

Tortures in Andamans

While imprisoned in the Cellular Jail of the Andaman Islands, Nani Gopal Mukherjee endured severe physical and psychological abuse. At only seventeen years of age, he was sentenced to fourteen years of rigorous imprisonment for attempting to assassinate a high-ranking British police official by throwing a bomb at his motor vehicle. Despite regulations prohibiting such labour for minors, he was assigned to the jail's oil mill, known for its extreme physical demands.^[32]

Acts of Resistance and Reprisals

Mukherjee actively resisted prison conditions and took part in the political prisoners' strikes that sought better treatment. As punishment, he was separated from older inmates under the claim that they were influencing him negatively. His resistance persisted, and in retaliation, he was subjected to manacling, beatings, and other forms of coercion.^[33]

Refusing to comply with prison norms, Mukherjee stopped participating in basic routines such as washing his clothes or wearing the provided garments. In response, the authorities forcibly dressed him in clothes made from gunny sacks, sewing them onto his body, which he tore off during the night. He was subsequently placed in chains—his hands and feet bound—but he managed to break free on multiple occasions.^[34][35]

Solitary Confinement and Forced Washing

Mukherjee further defied prison authorities by refusing to respond to interrogations or stand before officers. As punishment, he was placed in solitary confinement, where he refused even to come out for bathing. In one incident, he was forcibly dragged out and washed with coconut coir by prison staff, resulting in abrasions and severe skin irritation.^[36][37]

Denial of Basic Needs

His protest against inhumane conditions extended to rejecting prison clothing altogether and relinquishing his blankets, leaving him naked during the day and exposed to cold at night. Mukherjee maintained that he should be treated as a political prisoner rather than a common criminal, a demand frequently made by revolutionaries imprisoned during this period.^[22][23][24]

Threat of Caning and Transfer

As Nani Gopal Mukherjee's defiance intensified, prison authorities grew increasingly frustrated by his refusal to submit to any form of labour, including operation of the Kolu ghani (oil mill). His continued resistance drew the attention of the Chief Commissioner, who remained indifferent to his treatment. In a final act of disciplinary escalation, the prison administration, under the leadership of an officer identified as Mr. Barrie, considered subjecting Mukherjee to corporal punishment by caning—a measure rarely applied to political prisoners due to its controversial and inflammatory nature.^[38][39]

The news of the proposed caning caused alarm among fellow political prisoners. Concerns were raised that such a punishment would provoke widespread unrest within the jail. Mukherjee was widely regarded as a symbol of resistance, and any act of physical abuse against him was seen as a potential trigger for organized protest or even violence. Fellow inmates warned the authorities of the serious consequences that might follow, citing the revolutionary pasts of many prisoners and their willingness to resort to extreme measures when provoked.^[40]

On the day of the scheduled punishment, heightened security measures were enacted. Prisoners were confined to their cells, and preparations for the caning were reportedly put in place. However, instead of being publicly punished, Mukherjee was quietly removed from the prison. Conflicting reports circulated among inmates—some claimed that he had been brutally beaten, while others suggested he had been transferred to another facility. The incident underscored the volatile atmosphere within the Andaman penal colony and the delicate balance the authorities attempted to maintain in dealing with political prisoners.^[41]

Hunger Strike and Underground Resistance

Although Nani Gopal Mukherjee was ultimately spared from the threatened caning, the decision to transfer him to another prison was intended to isolate and break his resistance. Contrary to the expectations of the authorities, Nani continued his protest at the new facility by initiating a hunger strike. Despite efforts by fellow political prisoners to dissuade him from such drastic action, he refused all food and remained silent for three days. His condition worsened without attracting any immediate response from the prison administration.^[42]

Nani Gopal was eventually returned to the jail, where he persisted in his hunger strike. After several more days without sustenance, the authorities resorted to force-feeding him by administering milk through nasal intubation, a practice permitted under prison regulations at the time.^[43]

Meanwhile, political prisoners assigned to external labour began establishing informal connections across the Andaman settlement. They interacted with the families of former prisoners and residents, many of whom were sympathetic to the nationalist cause, and discreetly spread messages of Swadeshi ideals. These communications included handwritten poems, essays, and political commentaries, which circulated among the population in the form of underground literature. This activity, though prohibited, gained considerable traction and contributed to strengthening the influence of incarcerated revolutionaries beyond prison walls.^[44]

Reports of these clandestine efforts, along with letters smuggled out of the jail regarding the suicide of Indu Bhusan Roy and the mental breakdown of Ullaskar Dutta, eventually reached India. Their publication in the Indian press brought public attention to the harsh conditions endured by political prisoners in the Andamans. News of questions raised in the Legislative council regarding the treatment of such prisoners reached the inmates and served as a morale boost. For many, it reaffirmed that their sacrifices were not in vain and had the power to awaken public consciousness and spark resistance on the mainland.^[45]

Notable fellow inmates, including Vinayak Damodar Savarkar and Trailokyanath Chakravarty, both prominent revolutionary nationalists, extended their support to Mukherjee's cause. Their moral and organisational backing underscored the solidarity and resilience among political prisoners, despite differing ideological affiliations.

After his release from Cellular Jail in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands in 1920, Nanigopal Mukherjee, returned to Bengal and later settled in Jamshedpur, Jharkhand. He initially joined the Indian National Congress but soon became deeply involved in the labour movement, securing employment in the Town Engineering Department of Tata Iron and Steel Company (TISCO), established in 1907. Jamshedpur emerged as a significant revolutionary hub, partly due to TISCO's lax employee vetting, which allowed revolutionaries to operate discreetly. Nanigopal played a pivotal role in the Jamshedpur Labour Association (JLA), leading its militant faction. The JLA, influenced by the Congress and its second president, C.F. Andrews, a follower of Mahatma Gandhi, often adopted a moderate stance.^[46]

During the 1920s and 1930s, industrial relations in Jamshedpur were marked by frequent tension between Tata Steel (then TISCo) and organized labour. The Jamshedpur Labour Association (JLA), which had close ties with the Indian National Congress, often faced opposition from the company management. Contemporary accounts indicate that TISCo was accused of fostering rival unions, withdrawing recognition from established labour organizations, not providing adequate wages to workers and employing coercive tactics to suppress strikes. These measures reportedly included the deployment of police or military forces and the hiring of local goons to intimidate union activists.^[47][48]

Despite an earlier settlement in 1928 between TISCo and the JLA—brokered under the leadership of Subhas Chandra Bose—the company was later criticized for failing to adhere to the agreed terms. Bose himself publicly alleged that professional hooligans disrupted one of his meetings in Jamshedpur several years after the settlement, suggesting a breakdown in the previously negotiated accord.^[49]

Nanigopal Mukherjee played a leading role in organizing one of the notable strikes at TISCo, involving crane drivers from the Town Engineering Department. As a result of his involvement, he was dismissed from the company in 1932. Around the same period, Mani Ghose, another labour leader associated with Gandhian politics, was reportedly transferred to Dhanbad, reflecting a broader pattern of punitive actions against trade union activists, regardless of their ideological affiliation.^[50]

^[51][52]

Jamshedpur served as a vital centre for revolutionary activities, facilitated by organizations like the "Samaraht", a Maratha association at TISCO's Sakchi works, which operated under the guise of religious activities. Bengali revolutionaries, including Durgadas of Calcutta and Satya Ranjan Roy, both employed in TISCO's Chemical Department since 1915, were active in supplying arms to groups like Atul Ghosh’s party. Durgadas, who had connections with Aurobindo Ghosh post the Alipore Bomb Case (1908), used his brother's shop in Jamshedpur as a meeting point for revolutionaries. Other figures, such as Bankim Chandra Mitra, a teacher at Sakchi School, faced removal due to revolutionary activities, while Baroda Prasad, Nagendra Narayan Rai Choudhury, and Rasik Lal Das were arrested in Jamshedpur.^[53]

By 1928, the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association (HSRA) established a branch in Jamshedpur, including Nanigopal himself with Haran Chandra Chakravarty, Madhu Dutta, Chinta Haran Roy, and others.^[54]

Nanigopal was implicated in serious revolutionary plots, including a 1929 attempt to assassinate Manek Homi, infamous leader of the Jamshedpur Labour Federation, by importing bombs. Jamshedpur's revolutionary network also supplied arms and explosives, including bombs used in the Chittagong armoury raid (1930).

The revolutionary network in Jamshedpur, connected to groups like the Naujawan Bharat Sabha and Kirti Kisan Party of Punjab, faced intense police scrutiny. By 1935, constant police actions dismantled the Jamshedpur branch, marking the decline of its revolutionary prominence. Despite this, Jamshedpur’s role as a haven for revolutionaries, facilitated by TISCO’s operational leniency, underscored its significance in Indian independence movement.

Due to increasing repression and blacklisting, Nanigopal was forced to leave Jamshedpur and relocated to Kolkata, where he joined the Communist Party of India (CPI). There, he made substantial contributions to the working-class and peasant movements and played an important role in shaping communist journalism through his involvement with the publication Jananayak.^[55]

Despite the permanent damage to his health inflicted by the tortures of the Cellular Jail—where he was reduced to a skeletal figure through hunger strikes and prolonged abuse—his revolutionary spirit remained unbroken. Repeated hunger strikes demonstrated his enduring resistance to oppression. Eventually, he was repatriated to the mainland.^[56]

Nani Gopal Mukhopadhyay's post-prison life was defined by continued dedication to workers’ rights and communist ideals. He passed away on 11 November 1938 (some accounts suggest 1944),^[57] leaving behind a legacy of unyielding resistance, political commitment, and sacrifice for the cause of Indian independence and social justice.^[58]

• Jyotish Ghosh
• Vinayak Damodar Savarkar
• Kanailal Dutta
• Indu Bhusan Roy
• Upendranath Bandhopadhyay
• Shrish Chandra Ghosh
• Narendranath Bandhopadhyay
• Ullaskar Dutt

• My Transportation for Life by Vinayak Damodar Savarkar;
• Hemendranath Dasgupta, Bharater Biplab Kahini, II & III, Calcutta, 1948;
• Ramesh Chandra Majumdar, History of the Freedom Movement in India, III, Calcutta 1963;
• 1911 Political records proceedings, July 1911 no. 48-50 by National Archives of India.
• Abishmaraniya by Ganganarayan Chandra
• Amar dekhe biplab o biplabi by Motilal Roy
• Tata Bari r Kotha by Sushil Sen